Riyadh: Saudi Arabia has intensified its crackdown on drug trafficking, executing 144 individuals for drug-related offenses out of a total of 217 executions since the beginning of 2025. This move signals a relentless approach to combat the illegal amphetamine-like drug, captagon, which remains highly sought after in the Middle East.
According to France24.com, Saudi Arabia’s efforts to curb the captagon trade come amidst concerns that the pace of executions this year may exceed the 338 executions recorded in 2024, marking the highest number since 1990. The kingdom, regarded as the Arab world’s largest economy, is a major consumer of captagon, as per United Nations data.
Kristine Beckerle, Amnesty’s deputy regional director for the Middle East and North Africa, expressed concern over the alarming rate at which foreign nationals are being executed for drug offenses. Human rights activists argue that such capital punishment contradicts Saudi Arabia’s aspirations to project an image of tolerance and modernity.
Following the international backlash over the 2018 murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, Saudi Arabia imposed a 33-month moratorium on drug-related executions, aiming to improve its global standing. However, the suspension was lifted in November 2022, leading to a surge in executions due to the accumulated backlog.
Political analyst Karim Sader highlights that the domestic fight against captagon is driven by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s resolve to protect society from the drug menace. Despite the international criticism, the crown prince is seen as catering to conservative elements within Saudi society that endorse the death penalty for drug offenses.
The director of public security, Mohammed al-Bassami, reported significant progress in combating drug traffickers, according to Saudi daily Okaz. However, Sader suggests that a comprehensive anti-drug strategy requires more than just punitive measures.
Regionally, Saudi Arabia has found an ally in Ahmed al-Sharaa, Syria’s interim president, who has pledged to eradicate captagon production following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime. Syria, during its civil war, emerged as the leading producer of captagon, a trend that was perpetuated by economic hardships and international sanctions.
Sader notes that while the fall of Assad and the weakening of Hezbollah in Lebanon may reduce captagon trafficking to Saudi Arabia, completely eradicating the trade remains an elusive goal. The complex regional dynamics indicate that while progress is being made, the war against captagon is far from over.